I'm teaching a course on the subject of Political Pathologies this semester . (You can view my students' blog at
; they've already have a lively conversation going on. And yes, I'm going a bit crazy on the new technologies - it's all a big experiment). So allow me to post occasional thoughts on the subject.
One of the theoretical puzzles that motivated me to think about this topic is the question of what happened to the metaphor of health and sickness in political theory. The metaphor is robustly developed, among other places, in Plato's
Republic, books
VIII and
IX - which my class is reading for tomorrow. Socrates explicitly relates the various regimes not just to different kinds of people, but to the medical theory of his day, with the consequence that the different sorts of defective regimes - timocracy, oligarchy, democracy, and tyranny - appear as stages in a sickness, or even as different illnesses, of increasing degrees of severity.
As far as I can tell (i.e., not that much), the metaphor of health and sickness in political life is used frequently, but not very deeply, by later classical and medieval political theory. I do not recall Aristotle deploying it, though it would not surprise me if he had done so; I'm pretty sure Cicero does use it; and I think many medieval thinkers did speak of healthy and diseased communities, though without pressing the metaphor very deeply. I am unsure whether Hobbes uses it, though his analogy to the human body in
Leviathan would seem ideal for its deployment. (It would be interesting to know if he does).
Modern political theory, however, as far as I can tell (again, probably not that much),
seems not to use the metaphor of sickness and health very much. I have a theory - not, perhaps, a very good theory - that this has something to do with the traditional focus of political theory on the
just, rather than the
unjust, community. Not that political philosophers have had nothing to say about unjust societies; on the contrary. But I have a sense that the unjust regimes tend to be viewed through the lens of the just regimes, and thus as merely the non-just regimes; direct engagement with their varieties seems rare. It is perhaps no accident that it was Hannah Arendt's engagement with Soviet and Nazi tyranny that produced the category of totalitarianism not just as a name for another non-democratic regime but as an especially vicious pathology of political life - worse than run-of-the mill tyranny.
But other than that, there's very little effort on the part of political theorists to classify non-ideal regimes according to the degrees of their badness, much less to think of them through the metaphor of sickness and health. Indeed, there is very little conceptual work even within political science properly speaking regarding the varieties of non-democratic (in modern terms, non-ideal) regimes; the best work I know of that classifies non-democratic regimes is Juan Linz'
Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes, and it is practically an isolated case, and also entirely within the value-free tradition of Weberian sociology (though of course Linz himself has clear ideas as to which regimes are better and which are worse).
I suppose it could be argued that political sickness is a barren category - devoid of intellectual fruitulness - and that the classification of "bad" regimes, whether or not one uses the category of sickness, is theoretically and practically pointless beyond a certain point. In our everyday political speech we do not even distinguish fully between authoritarian and totalitarian regimes (the debasement of "totalitarian" is so great that I've heard political commentators apply the term with a straight face to the decrepit regime of Fidel Castro and the theatrical populism of Chavez); and influential traditions of political science (that led by
Przeworski's work on democracy, for example) are quite content to operate within a simple democracy/non-democracy dichotomy.
But I would argue that a more nuanced understanding of political "badness" - similar to our own nuanced understanding of bodily sickness - would have many theoretical advantages. In particular, we do not at present seem to have (and I am happy to be corrected on this point) any good theory of politics that really tells us how to go from a less bad to a better conditio (which is not ideal), or, equivalently, a theory of politics that can (morally, ethically?) rank the many varieties of actually existing regimes. (Though we do have hunches that it would be better to live in Singapore than in Burma or North Korea, for example, it is not clear that we have theoretically sound reasons for this hunch, not to speak of a good theory of how to get from North Korea to something else a little less bad; witness Iraq).
Any thoughts on the idea of political pathology and its place in political theory?